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THE RUSSIANS 



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GALICIA 



EDITED BY 



Be:d\a/in Sands 



NEW YORK CITY. 1916 

PUBLISHED BY "UKRAINIAN NATIONAL. COUNCIL-", 
S3 GRAND ST.. JERSEY CITY. N. J. 



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THE RUSSIANS IN GALICIA 



EDITED BY 



Bed\a/in Sands.1 



NEW YORK CITY, 1916 

PUBLISHED BY "UKRAINIAN NATIONAL- COUNCIL.". 
83 3RAND STREET, JERSEY CITY. N. J. 



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CONTENTS. 

1. Foreword by Bedwin Sands 

2. The Russians in Galicia by N. N. 

3. Eastern Galicia Before War by Bedwin Sands 

4. Eagles and Crows by Bishop Nikon 



{NOTE) 

"The Russians in Galicia" first appeared in French, 
in La Revue Ukranienne, at Lausanne. 

"The War— a Russian Plot?" is a revised version of 
an article by the Editor which appeared in the Labour 
Leader in December 1914. 

"Eagles and Crows" is a translation of Bishop Nikon's 
article in a Russian newspaper. 



FOREWORD. 

The American public have been saturated of late with 
breaches of international law, and numberless tales of 
atrocities. Jews, Lithuanians, Belgians, Serbs, Armeni- 
ans, and even the Poles themselves have one by one 
brought the story of the wrongs they have suffered, until 
arson, pillage and rape are taken almost as a matter of 
course. For this reason, the acts of brutality which are 
inherent to war have been left out of this volume. This 
indictment is not a mere recital of horrors. It is the 
whole system imposed upon the Russian Government by 
a small but loud-voiced section of the Russian reaction- 
aries which is here laid bare. Their behavior and the 
whole policy instigated by them have, in the words of 
several members of the Russian Duma, covered their na- 
tion with shame. To deprive a subject nation of all 
means of education is a fearful crime, but to destroy such 
means when they exist in a conquered country is in- 
finitely worse. We feel confident that it is sufficient to 
establish the facts of the Russian conquest of Galicia and 
of the underhand methods which prepared it, to prevent 
the possibility of any British or French Statesman being 
prepared to advocate, now or at any time in the future, 
the handing over of Eastern Galicia to Russia without the 
most stringent guarantees. Nor worse service could be 
rendered to the Russian people who have given their un- 
selfish support to their allies than to keep up the sham 



conviction that the Russian Government has changed or 
humanized itself in any way. The measures which are 
here exposed have been taken against the interests and 
the wishes of the great majority of Russians. They de- 
sii-e to get rid of the German methods in their Govern- 
ment. To foster blindly such methods used by the pan- 
Russians is to render them the worst of services. There is 
no reason whatever for pretending that the Russian people 
have so far benefited from the war and from their alliance 
with England and France. In order to benefit them it is 
necessary that the widest publicity be given to their com- 
plaints and the utmost measure of encouragement be 
afTorded to their endeavor to amend the system of Govern- 
ment from which they still suffer. 

B. S. 

New York*. Febru?,ry 1916. 



THE RUSSIANS IN GALIGIA. 

(Through the courtesy of the Editors of La Revue Ukra- 
nienne (Lausanne, Switzerland) we are enabled to give 
for the first time in English the follovv'ing detailed ac- 
count of the temporary Russian occupation of Galicia. 
This appeared originally in the November issue of that 
periodical.) ^ • 

I. PREPARING THE GROUND. 

Russia had been preparing for a long time not only the 
military conquest but also the political and intellectual 
annexation of Galicia. There were many people occupied 
with that aim in both Galicia and Russia. 

The "Russian-Galician Benevolent Association" with 
branches in Petrograd, Moscow, Kiev, Odessa and other 
towns was especially devoted to Galicia. That associ- 
ation was "educating" the public by means of pamphlets 
and lectures on the subject of "enslaved Russia" and 
appealed for subscriptions to support the Russophile as- 
sociations of Galicia and the students who were desirous 
of utilizing their energies in a Russophile direction. The 
"Association of Slavonic Benevolence", Slavonic Com- 
mittees, religious confreries and various other Societies 
in most of the towns existed for the same purpose. 

High military and ecclesiastic dignitaries belonged to 
them. At the head of this movement was Count Vladimir 

— 7 — 



Bobrinsky, who visited Galicia and organized in that Aus- 
trian province an active propaganda in favor of Russia. 

In Galicia itself the aim of a union with the Russian 
Empire was fostered by the Russophile party. In spite 
of internal dissension, for to that party belonged both the 
Old Ruthemans and the New Russophiles, the two groups 
declared themselves in their programs to be in favor of 
a union with Russia and showed in that direction a cease- 
less activity which was spread to several territories and 
gave signs of a good division of work. Influential and 
financially well-backed Russian institutions, the Stauro- 
pigia Institute and the Narodny Dom represented the 
Conservative tendency, affected religious and moral ten- 
dencies (they enjoyed also the right of patronage in the 
clerical appointments) and avoided any open agitation. 
They advocated Russification in their publications in which 
they endeavored to shunt the language to a Russian line, 
but acted especially through grants of scholarships to 
students who were sent to schools in Russia. 

The Obstchestvo Katchkovskoho also used as a cloak the 
motto "pray, learn, work, remain sober" but it introduced 
the Russian language in its publications, openly preached 
a union with Russia and made of its village reading- 
rooms so many centers of Russian propaganda. Associ- 
ations for the young such as "Droug" and "Zizn" (the 
latter for women) and others were openly helping the 
Russian plans. A press well subventioned from Russia 
( Prikarpatskaya Riiss and Golos Naroda) served the same 
purpose. Of late great attention had been paid to 
education. 

In Galicia, as in many places elsewhere in Europe, it 
is customary for boys to board together in specially fitted 
boarding houses whence they go to hear the lectures at 
the High School or the University. Often these boarding 
houses are also schools. The Russophiles multiplied the 
number of their own boarding-schools where either no 
fee or a nominal fee was charged. In all these, the study 



— 9 — 

of the Russian language became compulsory. Russian 
masters were called to Galicia and Russian libraries 
founded. Always with the same end in view, "patriotic" 
organizations were formed, secret pamphlets were dis- 
tributed in the villages and periodicals for the youth were 
pressed upon them. In order to keep their children from 
falling under Ukrainian influence, the Russophile parents 
sent them to the Polish schools where Russophilism on 
the part of the masters was in favor. The Orthodox 
agitation was developed, since it was intended to use it 
as a bridge for Russification. Even in America this Or- 
thodox proselytism was active among the Ukrainian 
immigrants. 

Of course, this persistant and many-sided campaign in 
favor of Russia could not have taken place for such a 
long period and with such comparative success, had not 
the Russophiles enjoyed the support not only of the po- 
litical parties in Russia, but also of the local Polish 
authorities and of the very vice-roi who represented the 
Emperor of Austria in Galicia. When the elections to 
the Diet took place in 1908, the two groups of Russo- 
philes met in conference with the heads of the National 
Polish Council. This secret meeting was admitted to 
have taken place when the President of the Polish Council 
himself, Thaddeus Cienski gave an interview to a re- 
porter on the staff of the Neue Freie Presse. The result 
of the conference was that the Russophile party obtained 
certain assurances with regard to their associations and 
a promise not to be interfered with, or prosecuted for 
their actions, during the election period. The late Stat- 
halter, Count iVndrew Potocki, whom sudden death over- 
took*, had been aware of. and connived at, the pact be- 
tween the Poles and the Russophile Ukrainians. His 
successor. Dr. Bobrzynski, dared not for a long time risk 
a break with the Russophiles and retained his protection 
to at least one of the Russophile groups, as he himself 
admitted in the course of a speech in the Lemberg Diet. 



*) He was shot by Ukrainian student M. Sitchinsky. 



— 10 — 

During the last few years, Russia enjoyed staunch sup- 
porters in the ranks of the Polish nationalists groups. 
Their hatred for the Ukrainians and their fear of Ger- 
many had thrown the Poles into the arms of Russia. The 
most popular Polish party, the pan-Polonist National De- 
mocrats, brought about the orientation towards Russia and 
prepared public opinion, through their organ Slowo Polskie 
and by other means, for the conquest of Galicia by the 
Russians. The sympathy for, and the inclination to- 
wards, the Russophiles on the part of the Poles were 
shown up during the trial of Bendasiuk and his acom- 
plices who were charged with high treason in 1914. 
The acused were acquitted as a sequel to the Russo- 
Polish compact. 

II. ADMINISTRATION. 

When in August and September 1914 the Russian 
troops occupied Galicia they found the soil prepared for 
them. Nevertheless the Russian administrators failed to 
strike the right attitude and took contradictory measures. 

The first governor of Galicia Sergius Sheremetief in- 
clined at once towards the Polish circles where an atti- 
tude friendly to Russia had been taken up. He inaugu- 
rated a policy of benevolence towards the Polish elements. 
The manifest of the Grand-Duke Nicholas was placarded 
everywhere announcing the reestablishment of the Polish 
State; proclamations were published in Lemberg and 
throughout the Province both in Polish and Russian. 
Polish schools were opened in Lemberg. This policy was 
too partial and M. Sheremetief had to withdraw at the 
instance of the Russophiles. The new chief of Galicia, 
Governor-General Count George Bobrinsky stood for an- 
other program. From the first, as he proclaimed in Sep- 
tember 1914, his policy aimed at the Russification of Ga- 
licia. Galicia, he said, was "Russian land" and he would 
introduce therein the Russian language, Russian laws 



— 11 — 

and Russian organization. No account was taken in that 
program of the Ukrainians but to the Poles he promised 
certain rights in the Polish, that is the Western part 
of Galicia. 

The Governor gave the Russophiles a special audience 
and invited them to collaborate in the intellectual trans- 
formation of the country. From the religious point of 
view however, Count Bobrinsky foretold a policy of com- 
plete tolerence. His utterances seemed liberal enough 
in Russia: the Poles were deceived and the Russophiles 
triumphed. Count Bobrinsky was given, as the instru- 
ments of the executive power, officials from the various 
Russian ministries and a few members of the Duma who 
belonged to the conservative parties. Among these gentle- 
men there were some who were already acquainted with 
the state of affairs in Galicia and had previously visited 
the country; such as M. N. D. Chikhachev, reporter in 
the Duma on the separation of Kholm from Poland and N. 
Ostrogradski, agent of the Russian ministry of Commerce 
in Vienna. There were also Dr. M. Glushkevich and 
M. L. Labensky, who were both given special missions. 
The interpreters and clerks of the Chief Command of the 
district were selected exclusively from the ranks of the 
Russophiles; for instance in Lemberg the latter were 
chosen to represent the high command. Several Russian 
ministries sent delegates to make special studies in Ga- 
licia: the whole land was over-run by them. Some had 
been born in Galicia and emigrated to Russia, as for in- 
stance M. Dragomiretsky, delegate from the ministry of 
the Interior. Plentiful material was prepared for the 
Government by the Russko-Narodny Sovyet (Russian Na- 
tional Council) the central organization of the Russo- 
philes in Galicia. Moreover the Poles of Lemberg, es- 
pecially the National Democrats, were informing the 
authorities on the questions which affected the Poles. 



^ — 12 — 

III. THE SCHOOLS. 

It was intended that the schools should become a true 
instrument of Russification. They were placed under the 
direction of Ghikhachev who was helped by the notorious 
S. Bendasiuk and Dr. Yavorsky, a native of Galicia, late- 
ly professor in the Kiev gymnasium, by the famous Russi- 
fying agent Plesky and by five school-inspectors. First 
of all, they began to prepare pupils for the Russian 
schools. In Lemberg, Tarnopol, Sambor and Stanislau, 
courses in the Russian language, literature, history and 
pedagogy were started. These were to last three months 
and to prepare Galician school-masters for their new 
diploma of Russian teachers. The masters were profes- 
sors in the high schools of the Ukrainian provinces of 
the Russian Empire, men who were accustomed to the 
methods necessary in schools for non-Russian elements. 
The students of these lectures enjoyed free board and 
received their books free of charge. Each cours had 
from forty to sixty persons, the majority of whom were 
Russophiles and Poles and took their degree with suc- 
cess. Later on it was decided to start similar courses of 
lectures in other towns but the Austrian offensive cut 
short the realization of this project. Nevertheless the 
success of the students was not satisfactory as a whole 
because they had no time to go deeply into the subject. 
It was therefore decided to open special courses in Petro- 
grad under the direction of Madame Lokhvitska-Skallon. 
The expenses were to be met by the Russian-Galician 
Benevolent Society. Similar lectures were also given in 
Kiev. Two aims were thus satisfied: candidate teachers, 
a species ditricult to find in Russia owing to the shortage 
of intellectuals, were prepared, and the scholastic profes- 
sion was demoralized since most of the men presented 
themselves through sheer starvation and many became 
Orthodox at the same time. 



1 '^ 
10 ■ — ■ 

The Russian schools were not numerous. The mini- 
stry of Public Instruction had declared itself prepared 
to start ten popular schools, five of which were to be in the 
villages. The Holy Synod showed more activity in this 
respect for it opened fifty schools. No secondary school 
with teaching in Russian was opened. A few Russian 
directors of such schools had obtained permission to open 
private schools in Galicia but the fortune of war decided 
otherwise. The Russian National Council tried also to 
open high schools and preparatory schools but nothing 
could be done without a subvention from the Government. 
A petition was sent to that affect to Petrograd but the 
request of the Russophiles was so exaggerate (200,000 
roubles for the mere start) that the petition was pigeon- 
holed. The Governor-General authorized the opening of 
private schools but with this provision that in each class 
the Russian language and history shoud be taught. A 
few Polish schools agreed and took up such teaching. 

For the future it was decided that Polish schools could 
only be opened in the towns; in the villages none but 
Russian schools should be started. The Ukrainian schools 
without any exceptions should be closed down. The 
Ukrainian language was henceforth to be considered as 
a mere dialect which could be used only at the beginning 
and simply in order to facilitate teaching. Nevertheless 
this project was also given up. • 

For "Russian" Galicia nothing but Russian schools! 
Such was the line adopted by the authorities. This policy 
would have of course seriously influenced the national 
and intellectual situation in the country. 

IV. 0RTH0D0Xi\ 

Another instrument to help Russify Galicia was at hand 
in the Orthodox Church. 

The Governor-General, Count Bobrinsky promised when 
he took charge that his policy was to be one of complete 



— 14 — 

tolerance and that Orthodoxy should not he forced upon 
the people. Only in the case of three quarters of the 
inhabitants asking to be received in the Orthodox Church, 
would a pope (Piussian priest) be appointed in each local- 
ity. When the Uniat priests wished to retain their re- 
ligion, the church was to remain the property of the 
Uniats even if the whole community became Orthodox. 
The progressive section of the Russian Press show^ed its 
approval of this tolerance but it was soon made apparent 
how^ vain were the promises of the Governor-General, for 
in practice a very different attitude w^as marked. 

It is possible that Count Bobrinsky was really disposed 
to abide by his intentions. He met, however, with serious 
obstacles in high places, that is on the part of the Holy 
Synod. The latter, faithful to its traditions, had already 
decided to force Orthodoxy upon the people. The Or- 
thodox Archbishop of Volhynia (Russian Ukraine) Eulo- 
gius, well known for his fanaticism and pan-Russian 
tendencies, was sent to Galicia. He looked upon Galicia 
as a land which had once been Orthodox and wherein the 
union with Rome had been introduced by artificial means. 
His ow^n method to set things right was to enter by force 
the Uniat Churches, forcibly to take possesion of the 
priests' houses and parishes for his Orthodox popes when- 
ever he found that the priest in charge was absent owing 
to the events of war. In all his acts, Eulogius showed 
persistently his hatred of the Catholic religion. The 
Ukrainian priests were treated as suspects, suspended and 
replaced by Russophiles Orthodox popes. Thus was Or- 
thodoxy introduced in more than a hundred parishes. 
This figure was of course small in comparison with the 
total number of 2,000 Uniat parishes, but it showed the 
intentions of Eulogius. Of all the Uniat priests 15 only 
accepted Orthodoxy. The greatest harm done to the Uniat 
Church was tiie arrest of its head, the Metropolitan Arch- 
bishop Count A. Sheptitsky. He was arrested by the Rus- 
sian troops and taken into Russia. Bishop Chekhovich 



— 15 — 

was confined to the besieged fortress of Peremyshl and 
died shortly after the town had been taken. The third 
bishop, MgT. Khomishin of Stanislau, was waiting out- 
side the province. In the absence of these three Prelates, 
the Consistory of Lemberg took no steps and the Uniats 
remained without direction. Nevertheless it must be ad- 
mitted that they gave proof of a strong power of resis- 
tance, especially in such places where Ukrainians alone 
had influence. It was not solely out of religious motives 
that the Ukrainians rejected Orthodoxy but also because 
Orthodoxy was used merely as an instrument for Russific- 
ation. "One year after our fortunate occupation of the 
country" declared Count Bobrinsky in an interview which 
he gave in Petrograd "the enemy will have no chance 
left. The immense majority of the Uniats will have be- 
come Orthodox, the others Roman Catholics and the whole 
thing will be settled." This was intended however iwo 
foro externo. The authorities and the promoters of Or- 
tliodoxy had to admit that their cause was in a bad way. 
People well acquainted with ecclesiastical matters de- 
clared in the Press that the Uniat priests came out best 
in any discussion with Orthodox popes because they have 
University education while the Orthodox clergy never 
have but an inferior theological education. M.M. Drago- 
miretsky and Petrov, the delegates from the ministry of 
the Interior showed themselves most sceptical as to the 
possible success of Orthodoxy. They were moreover ex- 
tremely angry with the Russophiles who had mislaid the 
Russian Government by pretending that as a result of 
their efforts (which had been financed on trust, as it 
were, from Russia) Orthodoxy would find in Galicia a ripe 
and ready soil. When the greatest part of Galicia had 
been reoccupied by Austrian troops, the Russians saw 
that their religious policy had been a ghastly failure. 
The reason why the Russians could not maintain them- 
selves in the newly conquered territories must be attributed 
first of all to their national and religious intolerance. This 



— 16 — 

view found confirmation in an open letter written to the 
"liberators" of Galicia by the Orthodox Archbishop Nikon*. 
Another proof that this failure created a painful impres- 
sion in Russia lies in the fact that the Procurator of the 
Holy Synod, the chief instigator of the Orthodox propa- 
ganda was compelled to resign his charge in July 1915, 

V. THE PEASANTS. 

The means by which it was sought to gain the good- 
will of the Ukrainian masses in Eastern Galicia were the 
means usually employed in Russia, i. e. the roubles. Ga- 
licia was an undeveloped, and therefore a poor, country. 
The events of war ruined the greater part of it. Help 
was necessary and of that necessity the Russian autho- 
rities took full advantage. A Central Relief Committee 
was founded in Lemberg. It was headed by Count Vla- 
dimir Bobrinsky, the member of the Duma and pan-Rus- 
sian free-booter. All the members were avowed Russo- 
philes. Russophile also were the provincial sub-com- 
mittees. Some of the members were Poles, most likely 
National-Democrats. The aim of the organization was to 
win popular support for Russophilism. 

Accordingly refief was granted to communes of the po- 
pulation of which was known to be Russophile. In other 
villages, subsidies were given to individuals who could 
be bought in the Russophile interests. Official reports 
show more than a million rubles to have been distributed 
in this fashion. Even small branches of the Committee 
received, without giving any receipt, sums of several 
hundred rubles. Prominent people must have made small 
fortunes out of this. 

On the other hand a scheme of agrarian and fiscal re- 
form was prepared in order to attract the sympathy of 
the peasants who constitute the bulk of the Galician 
population. Delegates from various Ministries studied 



A translation of his letter is given at the end of this publication. 



— 17 -^ 

local conditions and subsequently introduced the follow- 
ing proposals: 

1) The burden of taxation must be shifted from the 
peasants to the great landowners. 

2) The peasants whose property is not sufficient to keep 
them must be given land at the expense of the great land- 
owners. Some of the land necessary for this reform 
should be confiscated from the absentee landowners. The 
parcellation should be entrusted to the peasants' Bank. 

3) The civil rights of the Jews must be curtailed, for 
they exploit the rural population and monopolize both 
trade and industry. 

These reforms never went further than the red-tape 
stage. The preliminary work attracted nevertheless atten- 
tion on the question most acute in Galicia and, if the 
Piussian Government had really been able to apply these 
reforms, the gratitude of the Galician peasants would 
have been earned. These reforms went no further than 
their expressed desire but they must not be lost sight 
of in view of possible contingencies. 

When the Russian troops left Galicia, passports were 
given to all who wished to accompany them. The Russo- 
phile peasants took full advantage of this, in the hope 
that, once on the Russian soil, they would be given land 
and prosper accordingly. They soon came to realize the 
vanity of their expectations. While they were still on 
the road, their cattle w^ere stolen from them, together with 
all their worldly posessions. They had to make the 
frontier on foot and beg for their food. Then the rumor 
spread about that the Government would only support the 
fugitives for a fortnight — 10 kopecks and 1 lb. of bread 
per day. After that period the peasants were to support 
themselves. Hatred and contempt were shown them by 
the peasants of the frontier villages. This attitude brought 
them to a proper understanding of their false expectations 
and put an end, at least for the time being, to the Russo- 
phile agitation. 



— 18 — 

VI. THE NATIONAL QUESTION. 

The Russian administration in Galicia tried by every 
possible means to oust Ukrainian Nationalism in Galicia. 
It was considered impossible to Russify the people so long 
as the Ukrainian nationalist leaders preserved their in- 
fluence over the bulk of the peasants. While Galicia 
remained free, Russia knew that nothing could stop the 
development of the separatist desire in the Ukrainian 
provinces of Russia. From the first, after the declara- 
tion of war, restrictive measures were taken by the Rus- 
sian authorities in Russian Ukraine. Newspapers in the 
native language were suppressed, the sporting of the na- 
tional colors was forbidden, the Kobzar of Shevchenko 
was everywhere confiscated and the most distinguished 
Ukrainians thrown into jail. The same policy, although 
necessarily on a smaller scale, was adopted in Galicia. 
On the day that followed the occupation of Lemberg all 
the Ukrainian newspapers had to cease publication. It 
was even forbidden to print advertisements in Ukrainian, 
let alone books or pamphlets. All the Ukrainian associa- 
tions and schools were closed down both in town and vil- 
lages (the schools for an official period of 16 days). A 
few were compelled to hoist the Russian flag. Some days 
later came the repressive measures against the Ukrainian 
intellectuals. Searches were conducted in the homes of 
the notable Ukrainians and in the offices of the various 
societies, whether political, economic, religious or literary. 
Clerks, professors, school-masters, priests, tradesmen, 
peasants, working men, students, school-children even and 
of both sexes, and all of them of course Ukrainians, were 
arrested. There were several hundred of these prisoners 
but the exact figures are not known since many arrests 
were kept secret. In their attempts at apology the autho- 
rities complained several times in official communiques 
of the faithlessness of the Ukrainians. Count Bobrinsky 
declared in a speech at Petrograd that all the nationalities 



— 19 — 

of Galicia were well disposed toward Russia with the 
exception of the Ukrainians who remained hostile. 

In all the projects for the re-organization of the coun- 
try, judicial, political, scholastic and ecclesiastic, the 
Ukrainians were left apart under the old Russian motto 
{Ukraine has never existed, does not exist, and must not 
exist) nevertheless the irrepressible force of the Ukra- 
inian movement made itself felt in spite of all persecu- 
tions. Ukrainian nationalism in Galicia was far from 
crushed but exercised on the contrary a strong influence 
on the Ukrainian soldiers of the Russian army, thousands 
of whom were of course in Eastern Galicia during the 
occupation. The Russian Press itself studied the Ukra- 
inian problem in numerous articles. In fact the ques- 
tion was more discussed than it had ever been and the 
Russifying measures taken by the authorities were strong- 
ly criticised in the Russian progressive Press. After the 
retreat from Galicia public opinion attributed that loss to 
the persecution which had been directed against the 
Ukrainians. 

Very different was the treatment meted out to the Poles 
of Western Galicia, The manifesto of the Grand Duke 
Nicholas had been published and gained the good-will of 
the Poles. The policy of the first Russian governor She- 
remetief had been openly friendly to them. Under the 
Bobrinsky era this friendliness was somewhat restricted 
out of deference for the Russian nationalist circles. Never- 
theless the governor lost no occasion to show his favor- 
able disposition towards the Poles. 

In the Polish camp, the Russian orientation was hailed 
as a triumph. Not only the pan-Poles but the whole 
Polish society showed marked sympathy for Russia. The 
Polish legion of Eastern Galicia was dissolved because 
the men refused to march against Russian troops on be- 
half of Austria. The representatives of the Polish parties 
in a manifesto issued on November 10th, 1914, requested 
the youth to withdraw from the legion of Western Ga- 



' — 20 — 

licia because a struggle against Russia was contrary to 
Polish interests. Even the late vice-roi of Galicia Count 
Leo Pininsky signed that appeal. A distinguished Polish 
member of Parliament, Theophile Merunovich asked Aus- 
tria to give up Galicia in favor of Russia and the future 
Kingdom of Poland. The pan-Polish organ Sloivo Pol- 
side and Zjednoczenie openly announced the Russo-Polish 
alliance. 

Accordingly the Poles were granted all kinds of special 
favors in Eastern Galicia. Those of Western Galicia, 
moreover, were to see that part of the province annexed 
to the Kingdom of Poland under the rule of the Russian 
Tsar. The Governor-General in one of his last speeches 
made known his change of policy to Polish public opinion 
and met with great approval. 

"All the Austrophile Poles" he said, "have fled Galicia 
and those who remained are the friends of Russia. Many 
are still hesitating but they will end by siding with us 
for the sake of their nationality. Out of gratitude it is 
promised to the Poles that Western Galicia shall be an- 
nexed to the Kingdom of Poland and the Polish minor- 
ities in Eastern Galicia shall enjoy national preroga- 
tives." When the Austrian troops reoccu^)ied the pro- 
vince most of the Russophile leaders withdrew into 
Russia. Count Leo Pininski alone had the courage to 
remain in Lemberg and to go and greet the head of the 
Austrian army. 

The Russophiles supported Russia in every possible 
fashion and rendered useful services to the Okhrana. 
The direction was in the hands of the Russian National 
Council, headed by Dr. Dudikevich. This Council was 
in direct relation with the Governor-General and decided 
what line the other Russophile associations were to take 
up. Special commissions were established for various 
branches, mutual societies, schools. Church matters etc. 
Among the other associations the Obstchestvo Katchkov- 
skoho showed great activity as in the opening of reading- 



— 21 — 

rooms. Other societies postponed their meetings, await- 
ing subventions. They were to devote themselves especial- 
ly to the schools hut the lack of adequate funds ham- 
pered them. The Council worked also on behalf of Or- 
thodoxy which it propagated through its organs Prikar- 
patskaya Russ and Golos Naroda. Other Russophile as- 
sociations began to take steps in order to transfer the 
Stauropighia institute to Orthodoxy — but there was no 
time to accomplish this. As mentioned above the relief 
committees were in the hands of the Russophiles. That 
was the sinews of war which kept up the whole activ- 
ity. At first the Russophiles were in close touch with 
Count George Bobrinsky and it was even rumored that 
Dr. Dudikevich was the Governor's advisor. 

Then a certain cooling off in these relations was no- 
ticed. The Russophile aspirations were too ambitious. 
They wished to take in hand the whole administration of 
the country; they had a policy of their own; they criticised 
the decisions of Count George Bobrinsky and lost grace 
with him. They found however, supporters in the per- 
sons of Count Vladimir Bobrinsky and the Archbishop 
Eulogius and even succeeded by their intrigues in weaken- 
ing the influence of the Governor. Differences broke 
out between the two parties. Eventually the Governor 
proved to be the strongest and showed the Russophiles 
and their supporters that he was master of the situation. 
The Russophile daily paper Pnkarpatskaya Russ was con- 
fiscated and suspended for sometime. A fanatical sermon 
of Bishop Eulogius and certain passages of the Memo- 
randum issued by the Russian National Council on the 
schools were censored. The editor of the Lemberg mil- 
itary journal Lvovskoye Voyennoye Slovo attacked the 
Russophiles bitterly calling them "wolves in lambs' dis- 
guise" and "traitors to their own people." The creatures 
of the National Council were dismissed by the district 
commanders and Dr. Dudikevich was not authorized 



— 22 — 

to present himself at the audience given by the Governor- 
General at the occasion of the New Year. The Russo- 
philes were on the verge of being wrecked when the 
Austrian offensive compelled the two parties to seek 
a hasty reconciliation. 



EASTERN GALICIA BEFORE THE WAR. 

The artificial joining into one of what Nature intended 
to be two provinces with their two capitals of Cracow 
and Lemberg was of course a move to give wider power 
to the Polish representation in the Reichsrat. The 
troubles of the Ukrainians of Eastern Galicia were many 
but they all derived from the same cause. The Poles 
claim historical Poland — that is all those territories which 
at one time or another fell under the sway of Poland 
before Poland herself fell under the sway of other na- 
tions. Such dreams are dangerous and lead to wars. 
The rights do not go with the soil, but with the people. 
Before Eastern Galicia was Polish it was Ukrainian and 
it is still inhabited by Ukrainians in spite of Polish land- 
lords. Now since the Poles claim historical Poland they 
are bound to be as a whole against the Ukraine move- 
ment in Galicia. In fact they are so pro-Polish that 
there is no chance for their being anything else but 
biassed against the Ukrainian revival. The two points of 
view are even more difficult of settlement than the ques- 
tion of Ulster in Ireland because the Poles occupy not 
only Western Galicia and a few villages in the Eastern 
part but also they are too often the landowners of the 
Ukrainian villages and they inhabit to a large extent 
Lemberg, whish was and ought to be a Ukrainian town. 
Moreover the representation in the local Diet was far 
from equal between the two nations and still more so in 

— 23 — 



— 24 — 

the Imperial Parliament at Vienna. Let the Austrian 
Government restore to the Ukrainians their own lands 
and divide Eastern from Western Galicia following the 
San River and the Ukrainians will promptly forget their 
past grievances. They are not vindictive. But without 
such a partition of Galicia there will be no peace between 
the Ukrainians and the Poles. The record of the several 
sources of disagreement between Poles and Ukrainians 
(with now and then a Russian or a German shadow 
flitting by) should be considered therefore as a mere 
recital of woes which the sufferer is prepared to forget 
after his cure. 

The grievances can be put under four headings : political, 
economic, religious and educational. To begin with we 
must give a list of the Ukrainian parties in Galicia before 
the war. They were the National-Democrats, the Radi- 
cals, the Church party and the Social-Democrats, but all 
were united on national matters, as appeared at the be- 
ginning of the war when all joined hands to form the 
National Council. The activity of the Ukrainians was 
spread over two political fields. They had national repre- 
sentation in the Diet which was the Parliament of the 
so called autonomous Crown-Land of Galicia. They also 
elected members to the Lnperial Parliament of Vienna but 
with only 28 members that is 26.4% as compared with 
73.6% of the Poles. Each Ukrainian delegate represented 
110,000 electors while each Pole represented only 51,000. 
Witii 28 members, the Ukrainians were not represented 
in Vienna in the number which they ought to have en- 
joyed according to the figures of the population as com- 
pared with the Poles. They were moreover mis-repre- 
sented in Vienna by the Polish Parliamentary group who 
accused the Ruthenians repeatedly, even at the begin- 
ning of the war, of harboring anti-Austrian feelings. 
This was really the reverse of the truth, not that the 
Ukrainians of Galicia have any special love for the Ger- 
mans or the German-Austrians, but their hatred of the 



— 25 — 

Russian government is so deep-rooted in the soul of the 
nation that they would be willing to cooperate with any 
nation that w^ould offer them the prospect of safety for 
themselves and deliverance for their fellow-Ukrainians of 
Russia. 

In spite of these difficulties the Ukrainians made their 
influence felt in Vienna even if at times they had to re- 
sort to methods of obstruction well known in every par- 
liament of Europe, such as continuous noises, speeches of 
24 hours' duration etc. Their difficulties were, however, 
so deep-rooted that their progress in Vienna was slight. 
The Poles not only had a very much larger representation 
owing to the reason stated above and to graft methods 
and their manipulations at election time but also their 
aristocracy (all-powerful in Vienna and against which 
the Ukrainians had but two or three names to array) was 
persistent in its misrepresentation in Court circles. Du- 
ring the last two or three years, however, thanks to a 
stronger organization on the part of their leaders, the Ukrai- 
nian national elements were gradually gaining strength. 

This is no less true when we study the situation in 
the local Galician Diet. That parliament being nearer 
home affected the Ukrainians to a larger degree. 

In the Lemberg Diet the electoral law of 1861 granted 
the Ukrainians forty-seven, deputies that is 33.33 per cent. 
For years before the war there had been no business 
transacted. The Lemberg Diet was not like the Vienna 
parliament where if Poles and Ukrainians disagreed there 
always remained the other nations of the empire with 
their own delegates to pass the laws. But in Lemberg 
there were only Poles and Ukrainians in constant op- 
position to each other. The Poles were always in ma- 
jority but not strong enough to treat the whole province 
altogether as they pleased. There were therefore con- 
stant elections, constant friction and constant referring to 
Vienna. Vienna could not interfere officially not only be- 
cause the province enjoyed home-rule, but also because 



~ 26 — 

the Polish nobility has always been very influential in 
Vienna. Finally under semi-official pressure the Poles 
were compelled to reorganize the electorate. But 
for some reason which has not yet been thoroughly 
elucidated the Polish bishops obstructed the agreement. 

After interminable negotiations accompanied by per- 
sistent demands on the part of the Ukrainians, the Polish 
majority in the Lemberg Diet adopted, without much ar- 
gument among themselves, a project of Electoral Reform 
which seemed to satisfy the Ukrainians, at least as 
a stepping stone. 

Unfortunately in March 26th 1913, the Polish Bishops 
gathered in conference and decided to abstain from voting 
in the Diet in this question of the Electoral Reform. 
They comprised the Polish Archbishop of Lemberg and the 
Bishops of Cracow, Peremyshl, Tarnow and the Armenian- 
Catholic Bishop of Lemberg who, following the lead of 
the Poles, was looked upon as a Pole like all his flock, 
since not being Ukrainians they cannot do anything else 
but belong to the ruling race. The attitude of these 
prelates meant the end of the negotiations and raised 
doubts as to whether the project could be accepted by the 
Poles after all. 

The Conservative Catholics through their Chief, Count 
Stanislav Tarnowsky, asked the Bishops to motivate their 
decision. The motives were given in accordance with 
this request and as was expected by the Ukrainians, they 
brought forth no reasonable argument. It would not in- 
terest anybody to read their elucubration for it is too often 
the case that when clergy step into politics, they usually 
make a grievous mess of it. The conclusion is worth 
quoting however: 

"The present project of Electoral Reform gives rise to 
objection on principle because it threatens to introduce 
radicalism into politics. That would be dangerous to re- 
ligion, public morality and national progress. Partisans 
of the democracy, the Bishops are decided adversaries of 



— 27 — 

radicalism. The democratisation of Society brings to the 
service of the public fresh and new element. The ra- 
dicalisation of Society introduces principles of discord and 
hatred, it weakens, disagregates and keeps away the 
saner elements." 

Upon this, Bobrzynski, Governor of Galicia, resigned, 
for the compromise between Ukrainians and Poles had 
been partly his work. Then the Lemberg Diet was dis- 
solved. New elections were ordered in May, 1913, for 
as was to be expected, the Conservative Catholic Poles 
had accepted the Bishops' argument and given up their 
support of the project of Reform. Count Stuergkh tried 
once more to realize another compromise between the 
Bishops, the Polish leaders and the Ukrainians but his 
efforts were of no avail. 

The elections took place at the beginning of July and 
went well for the Ukrainians in so far as the limited 
chances given them allowed. From sixteen seats the 
Ukrainians had jumped to thirty-two, being thirty-one 
Ukrainian Nationalists and one Russophile. Moreover, 
they formed a compact body, while the Poles were divided 
into nine parties. In the whole of Eastern Galicia which 
is, as we know, the Ukrainian part of that huge province, 
the Poles were being ousted from the seats which they 
still held owing to their political manipulation of the 
parliamentary districts. Until then they had preserved 
their hold over forty-seven non-Polish districts but after 
the election they retained only fifteen. This helped the 
Ruthenians to adopt a stifTer attitude still against the 
Poles and to demand more than they would have thought 
of asking two months before. Finally another compro- 
mise was reached in 1914 which was not put into practise 
owing to the war. 

This recital is hardly adequate to explain the fierce and 
relentless antagonism of the Ukrainians and the Poles. 
The latter had the supremacy in Galicia and they used it 
especially for political purposes. It was the same attitude 



— 28 — 

which some Irish might have taken up, had the Ulster 
people been delivered over to them. The Irish, however, 
were in their own whole-Irish island while Eastern Ga- 
licia had always been Ukrainian. 

This supremacy not merely of a ruling class but of a 
whole nation, as it were, over another nation, of about four 
million Poles over three and a half million Ukrainians, 
was manifest in every aspect of public and private life 
in Galicia, east of the San River. Even with Lemberg 
which being the official capital of the whole province 
contained many Poles, the Ukrainians numbered seventy 
per cent of the population. 

Another complication was the continuous Russian intrigue 
among the Ukrainians. These intrigues were countenanc- 
ed by the Poles and carefully hidden from and protected 
against the Vienna authorities. Two notorious trials on 
the eve of the war let however the cat out of the bag. 
Polish pressure could not prevent the scandal. I want 
here to throw a little light on the sides of the Russian act- 
ivities which have direct bearing on this problem. It is 
necessary first of all that I should review the situation in 
Galicia as it was in May last when I undertook a trip to 
that country in company with several Englishmen. I went 
because I was told that Russia was preparing for war 
then. Ample evidence was at hand to confirm that in- 
formation. In April, 1914, it was announced that the 
Russian military and nayal departments and the State 
railways were no longer to obtain material from Ger- 
many, and Austria-Hungary, and that ordejs should in 
future be given to British, French and Belgian firms. On 
June 23d at a secret sitting of the Duma, an increased 
military credit and a supplementary naval credit of 
100,000,000 roubles were voted, the period of army service 
was extended by three months, and the export of horses to 
against their Government. 

I can say truly that we saw almost every town and 
every village of interest in Eastern Galicia and spoke 



— 29 — 

with a thousand and one persons who could tell us every- 
thing that worried them in the political situation and 
everything they found hopeful, although, perhaps, merely 
from their own parish-pump point of views. 

Nowadays Great Britain and America are learning 
something of the inhabitants of Eastern Galicia. A year 
ago they were quite unknown. Little Russians, Ruthe- 
nians. Ukrainians, Malorussians, Hutzuls, Podolians, Bu- 
kovinians, Galicians or South Russians — hidden from the 
world under these many names was a nation of 33,000.000 
people, subjects of Russia, of Austria-Hungary, and even 
citizens of Canada and America. The Russian Govern- 
ment wants them all, to oppress them as it does their 
Little-Russian brothers. Wholesale arrests, including that 
of the Archbishop of Lemberg took place. Russians them- 
selves had to rise in the Duma with a clamor of anger 
against their Government. 

I have spoken with dozens of Ukrainians from Russia, 
Kiev, Odessa, Katerinoslav, Kharkiv, Poltava, even from 
Canada and the U. S. A. and I am convinced that national 
life was much stronger in Russian Ukraine than it has 
ever been in Galicia or Bukovina, although its manifesta- 
tions are, of course, more repressed in Russia. "We have 
made the whole of the Russian Empire, we Ukrainians" 
said a Russian agent but this is hardly the way the 
Ukrainians themselves look at the question. The attitude 
of the Russian Government hardly convinces them that 
the whole Russian Empire is their domain. In March, 
1914, the Provincial Authorities throughout the Ukraine 
were prohibited by the Ministry of the Interior from 
celebrating the memory of Shevchenko, the great national 
poet, or from holding any sort of public meeting for that 
purpose. Church services in memory of the poet of the 
Ukraine were also forbidden. 

But this is nothing compared with the efforts of the 
Russian Government and of the semi-official agents to 
produce an active antagonism against Austria. These 



— 30 — 

activities forced the Austrian Government to resort to 
trials which caused a good deal of sensation at the time, 
and which extended over so many weeks that public 
opinion abroad refused absolutely to be stirred by the 
dull enunciation of what appeared to be nothing but a set 
of petty grievances. 

On March 3, 1914, judgment was given against thirty- 
two Ruthenians on a charge of inciting to revolt against 
the King of Hungary, the Emperor Francis Joseph. The 
trial opened on December 29, 1913, at Marmaros-Sziget 
in the North of Hungary in a wild and beautiful part of 
the Ukrainian mountains. After the preliminary sifting 
of the 189 accused by the Public Prosecutor, ninety-four 
were charged before the Court, ten of whom were re- 
leased on the opening day of the proceedings. No fewer 
than 247 witnesses were summoned, among them being 
Count Vladimir Bobrinsky, member of the Duma and 
President of the Russian National Association. Had 
Count Bobrinsky himself been in the dock, and the pri- 
soners in the witness box, the guilt would have been 
fastened on the right person. 

It is barely five years since he began his pan-Slav 
agitation, assisted by large sums of money from the 
Russian Government and private individuals who shared 
his views. His methods were the same in Hungary, Ga- 
licia, and Bukovina. One or two educated writers were 
bribed or lured by his rash promises, and with the help 
of the imported journalists from Russia a small period- 
ical was practically forced upon the peasants. This 
course proving insufficient, Count Bobrinsky took up the 
weapon of Orthodox proselytism. Innumerable methods 
were employed to persuade the population to shake off 
their nationality and religion and to commit high treason 
against the State to which they belonged. War, the 
Ruthenians were told, was to break out and the Tsar was 
coming to deliver them from "the tyrannical rule of the 
Germans any Magyars." Free boarding-schools, distribu- 



— 31 — 

tion of money, excursions to the famous monasteries in 
Kiev, and the introduction of Orthodox priests from Rus- 
sia, whom Russian money enabled to give their services 
free of charge, were the means used to foster the spirit of 
rebellion. The most seditious statements against the King 
of Hungary were disseminated, always mingled with pro- 
mises of a better and less expensive religion, and of bap- 
tisms, marriages, and funerals performed without fee. 
The whole agitation was directed, after the departure of 
Count Robrinsky, by a certain Alexander Kabalyuk, called 
Father Alexius. He spent freely the money sent to him 
by Count Robrinsky and the heads of various Russian 
monasteries. 

One of the pamphlets used in this propaganda contain- 
ed the following sentences: 

The Russian Tsar is angry with our Emperor. He 
will soon conquer all the Hungarian districts inhabited 
by Ruthenians. You must at once join the Russian 
Orthodox Church, for when the Tsar comes into this 
country he will place the Ruthenians who have em- 
braced Orthodoxy on his right hand and the Catholic 
Ruthenians on his left, and will then order the former 
to shoot the latter. 

This, although hard on the Tsar, was bound to make an 
impression on the peasants. 

Such a movement, fostering ideals inimical to Austria- 
Hungary, implied a serious danger, and the Government 
realized it. Father Alexius and his agents were arrested 
and put on the trial at Marmaros-Sziget. Father Alexius 
was sentenced to four-and-a-half years' imprisonment, 
and thirty-one others of the accused to terms of im- 
prisonment, varying from two years to six months. 
One of the most telling incidents of the trial was when 
Count Robrinsky made his deposition in Russian and an 
interpreter had to be found. One Ruthenian (Ukrainian) 
was brought, but he could not understand. Yet Robrin- 



— 32 — 

sky and others of his kind always claimed the Rulhenian 
language to be but a dialect of the Russian, easily under- 
stood by Russians and vice versa! 

The Hungarian Government awakened to a sense of 
its responsibility towards the most wretched of its sub- 
jects, and the trial seemed to bring happy results in its 
train. An attempt was made to ameliorate the lot at the 
Ruthenians of Hungary. It was not difficult to show 
them what they might expect if they joined their fellow- 
Ukrainians of Russia as subjects of the Tsar. They were 
told of the countless persecutions and petty tyrannies 
which the Russian Ukrainians "enjoyed" during 1913 
alone, when every new manifestation of national Ukra- 
inian life was immediately suppressed. 

The second trial was, perhaps, even more important. 
It resembled that which took place at Marmaros-Sziget, 
but there were differences which rendered the Lemberg 
trial more arresting to outside observers. The charge 
was no longer merely one of religious propaganda and 
disloyalty to Austria, as it was in the case of the simple 
peasants who were tried in the Carpathian district of 
Hungary. The four accused were educated men who 
knew perfectly well what they were doing and wiiy they 
were doing it. Their propaganda was complicated with 
State treason and espionage. 

Their leader was a remarkable man, Simon Bendasiuk 
by name, and, of course, an Austrian subject born in 
Galicia thirty-seven years ago. I had a good look at him 
in Court. His eyes were those of a fanatic. He is ob- 
viously one of those men who live by their nerves ; but 
he strikes me as an honest if somewhat crafty man. He 
was the Editor of a pro-Russian daily paper printed in 
Lemberg and of a popular pro-Russian weekly, both of 
which were circulated almost entirely by the help of 
money received through the usual semi-official channels. 
He was converted to Orthodoxy in July, 1914. With him 



— 33 — 

were two Orthodox priests and a University student, all 
Austrian born. 

I sat many weary hours in the Lemberg Law Courts 
listening to the evidence read out in Polish by the Judge, 
who was interrupted in Ruthenian (Ukrainian) by the 
accused, and in German by one or two Jewish jurymen. 
Enough, it appeared to many of us, had already been 
said to secure the conviction of the ringleader and the 
two priests, especially Hudyma, who, with his nervous 
fingers constantly playing through his long, curly hair, 
looked more like a coxcomb than like one of God's mini- 
sters. The Judges were Poles and of the twelve jurymen, 
ten were Poles or Polonized Ukrainians and two were 
Polish Jews. They looked weary of the case, and several 
times I saw them eating biscuits and nuts or reading the 
newspapers while the evidence was being read. 

The Polish leaders inclined towards Russia at that 
time, and it was not safe to foretell the verdict. One 
thing, however, was evident; Russian money was at the 
back of this Moscalophile movement in Galicia. There 
were, at the outbreak of the war, about thirty boarding- 
schools in Galicia maintained by Russian money. There, 
poor Ukrainian boys were enticed for the sake of a free 
education, of which the Russian language and Russian 
history (so-called) formed the basis. Altogether, towards 
the close of 1913, over a thousand Ukrainian boys were 
educated in this fashion in Galicia, and their enhanced 
status was bound to influence their parents. Let me add 
that is was due to Polish influence that the movement had 
been allowed to proceed so far. There were very few 
German-Austrian officials in the autonomous province of 
Galicia. The Russian propaganda was carefully conceal- 
ed by the Polish officials, who belonged to the all-Poles 
Party and who were still considered to represent Galicia, 
be it Eastern or Western, in Vienna. They hoped in ex- 
change for their leniency in Galicia to obtain favors for 
their fellow-Poles of Russia. Once the Poles were pro- 



— 34 — 

Austrian, but they had obtained all that was to be ob- 
tained from the Austrian Government. Weak national- 
ities, like the stronger ones, are prone to selfishness. 

However vehemently Count Bobrinsky may have as- 
serted that nobody in Russia desired to see the map of 
Europe altered again by the annexation of Galicia, the 
trial proved that Russia, through her semi-official agents, 
was doing systematic work in Galicia. Day by day her 
emissaries — priests and students, journalists, and even 
army officers — sought to attract sympathizers in Austria- 
Galicia so that when the occasion offered Russia might 
declare war on the pretence of defending her alleged co- 
religionists, invade the province, and annex it. Then 
Russia might be able once more to crush the Ukrainian 
revival on her own soil by suppressing the "irredentism" 
of Galicia. Here we find a repetition of the story of the 
period that preceded the events of 1772, when, in the 
cause of the dissentients in Poland, Russia marched out 
her armies and succeeded in realizing her heart's desire. 

In spite of the fact that England is to-day fighting by 
the side of Russia, I have great doubts as to the genuine- 
ness of Russian promises of liberty. 

But to return to the trial and its results, the verdict 
of "Not Guilty" returned by the Galician jurj^ was not 
unexpected. The jurymen were obviously weary of 
their task. The word "bribery" is of current use in 
Eastern Europe and, although we all know well enough 
it is part of the stock-in-trade of the Russian Nationalists, 
there is no need to seek such an explanation. The sit- 
uation was not without its farcical features. The fact 
is both the counsel for the defence and for the crown 
were Russophiles, whilst the President of the Court was 
of Polish, and the chief witness for the prosecution of 
Magyar sympathies. But who represented Austria? No 
one but an army-officer in full uniform, who seemed 
strangely out of place in Court. 



— 35 — 

Neither the judge nor the twelve insignificant jury- 
men were in the last prompted in their motives by a feel- 
ing of patriotism for Austria. Galicia was an autonomous 
province; the Poles ruled it, and there might well have 
been written over the public buildings of the province 
"None but Poles and Polonized Germans or Ukrainians 
need apply." The tendency of the Polish leaders, in 
spite of broken promises and wrecked Bills, was to turn 
towards Russia in the expectation of favors to come, and 
to. show more openly the second of their national hatreds, 
that for their German rulers. It can safely be said that 
the point of view of the Austrian Government was ignored 
throughout or, if listened to, it was given scanty con- 
sideration. 

The result was that the men who were acquitted, Si- 
mon Bendasiuk and his Orthodox friends, had their cam- 
paign legalized, as it were, in Galicia. Once more they 
began to tour the villages, distributing newspapers and 
literature, with the enhanced prestige of Polish sanction,* 
and the "martyrdom" of two years' imprisonment pend- 
ing their trial. From the Austrian point of view, it 
would, perhaps, have been better if the trial had never 
taken place. 

Russian money once more flowed through the channel 
of that remarkable organizer, Simon Bendasiuk. But 
even had the Russian rubles disappeared, I have now 
come to the conclusion that the campaign would not have 
abated. There were sections of the Polish parties in 
Galicia who were ready to support financially a pro- 
Russian Ukrainian movement in the future as they had 
occasionally done in the past. Yet, in spite of money, of 
official support, of private reserve funds, the result of 
work of the Russophiles justified a pessimistic opinion 
on their part. They were not gaining, and in some parts 



* A few days later Count Bobrinsky thanked the Poles publicly 
in the Duma for the acquittal of his tools. The loss of Lviw has 
already caused the Poles to realize the foil}- of treachery. It never 
pays to break one's bond. 



— 36 — 

of Galicia were losing, ground. Their propaganda was 
becoming almost a defensive one. Whatever the out- 
come of the war, Russophilism is dead in Galician Ukra- 
ine., It never was very strong, altliough dangerous 
enough to the State. Russia is trying to annex a country 
that will never be satisfied with Tsarism. 

Among the many things that came out at the trials 
was the repeated assertion by the witnesses that some 
of the Russophiles had openly told them that Russia was 
preparing to wage war upon Austria, with the help of 
France and England, to "rescue them from the grip of 
the Germans and Magyars." People in Austria laughed 
when they read this. Now it has been proved true. The 
murder of an Austrian Prince, had to prepare the way 
though. The Russian RIack Hundred had, of course, to 
give up their Pan-Slav dream or fight the reawakening 
of tiie Ukrainians in Galicia and the growing National- 
istic movements among the subject peoples of Russia. 

I am not now studying this war from the International 
point of view, nor from tlie Rritish point of view; if I 
were, I should have to agree with people in this country 
that the war could have been prevented at first if England 
had taken up a stiffer attitude towards Russia. But once 
France and Belgium were dragged in I believe we had to 
act as we did. It is not a question of whether or not we 
like Prussian ways, Prussian aspirations, and the Prussian 
character. They are certainly antagonistic to ours. But to 
have proved himself unable to prevent the clique that 
surrounds him, from obtaining the extension of a war to 
which Austria-Hungary was absolutely forced — that should 
burden the conscience of the French and British Govern- 
ments until the end of their days, unless they obtain from 
Russia an unequivocal promise of amnesty for all political 
offenders and of federation for all the subject races of 
the Russian Empire, including first of all, Ukraine, if 
Ukraine falls into Russian hands in its entirety. Our anti- 
quated diplomacy, ill-informed, supercilious, easy to in- 



— 37 — 

fluence, is more to blame than anything else. When the 
Peace Treaty is signed, does anyone who knows Russia 
believe that the Ukrainians will be happier? If so, why 
are they being terrorized by Russia to-day? Why do all 
their civilian leaders find themselves in jail or in exile? 
Why have over 200,000 Ukrainians fled in haste from 
Eastern Galicia? 

One must not blame, however, all the Poles of Austria, 
for those in the West, that is those who were farthest 
from the Ukrainians were rather favorable to them than 
the others. The democrats and the socialists were also 
fair in their opinion. In spite of the Russian activities 
before the war the only Ukrainian newspapers which 
had any circulation at all were Dilo, Nove Slovo, Huslan, 
Hromadsky Holos and Vpered. 

All were distinctly anti-Russian. Exception may be 
made of Prikarpatshaya Buss which was a paper sub- 
ventioned by the Russian Nationalists. It had a circula- 
tion since it was sent free to all the Ukrainian peasants 
whose names the editor could obtain in any possible way. 
To return to the Poles, their pro-Russian papers were, of 
course, anti-Ukrainian but the others were not. 

It is plain then that the Poles were divided on the vital 
point. A strong rich minority was pro-Russian because 
they expected Russia to win and to give them back in 
exchange for help, the ancient Kingdom of Poland, in- 
cluding a part of Ukraine. That however, is only 
Poland from the historical point of view because Poland 
for a time occupied that territory — just as England oc- 
cupied Calais. From the ethnographical point of view, 
no part of Ukraine could be handed over justly to Po- 
land, and this Poles would not recognize. 

Another reason for the pro-Russianism of some Polish 
parties "All-Poles" section of the Polish nation was the 
hope of obtaining favors for the Poles of Russia. For 
this reason they fostered, helped and winked at religious 
and political propaganda of the Russians agents. 



EAGLE AND CROWS. 

THE RUSSIAN ORTHODOX BISHOP NIKON DEFENDS UKRAINIANS. 

[In the Petrograd newspaper Birzeviya Viedomosti for 
July 24, 1915, Bishop Nikon published a long article in 
favor of the Ukrainian claims as an answer to some re- 
marks of M. Menshikof in the Novoye Vremya. This 
prelate, now bishop of Krasnoyarsk in Siberia is himself 
a native of Great Russia but having exercised his mini- 
stry for a long time in Ukrainian provinces he came to 
learn the conditions of the Ukraine and to know the 
people well. He grew to be very fond of them and be- 
came the advocate of their rights and of their claims. 
We need only mention the projected Bill which he laid be- 
fore the Duma before the war and which was intended 
to provide for Ukrainian national schools and for the use 
of the Ukrainian language in the Courts. This honest 
and straightforward attitude on the part of a high dig- 
nitary of the Orthodox Church displeased unfortunately 
the heads of the Holy Synod and supporters of Ijlie Black 
Hundreds and the bishop was removed from the Ukraine 
and sent into Siberian disgrace. Bishop Nikon was 
a member of the Duma and there was no excuse under 
which he could be deprived of that charge. Neverthe- 
less since it is necessary for any minister of religion to 
obtain a special permission of the Synod to leave his post 
and to attend the meetings of the Duma there was a way 



— 39 — 

for the enemies of the Ukraine, While all the reactionary 
bishops and priests obtained with the greatest ease such 
a permission it was denied to bishop Nikon. It should 
be noted that this prelate does not belong to any of the 
liberal parties, which fact gives all the more weight to 
the voice of this honest conservative. There was in con- 
sequence but one means for him to express his opinion, 
the Press.] 

I have just read Menshikof's article in which he gives 
a faithful account of the violence done to Russia by Ger- 
mans and describes what influence an alien culture made- 
in-Germany has exercised on the real Russian culture 
and on our people. While I read this article of Men- 
shikof, these words from one of our writers, "Men like 
the corn bow under the breath of the wind," came back 
to my mind. There are times in the life of nations when 
in spite of all arguments and dangers one must call for 
a halt. For some time so many unexpected events have 
unfolded themselves before our eyes in Galicia that from 
the oppressed heart of every Russian who loves his 
country there comes an irrepressible cry of oppression 
and anguish at the sight of the peril which threatens 
Russia and Galicia. Those who have followed our Ga- 
lician campaign can but admire the glorious deeds of our 
heroes in the Carpathians. 

But while the eagles were pursuing their victorious 
advance they were being followed by a plague of crows. 
The valiant eagles were working towards the noble aim 
of reuniting the Slavs; but the crows, in the persons of 
Count Bobrinsky, Archbishop Eulogius and M. M. Bis..., 
Teh... etc (all these Russian Nationalists are countless) 
were hastening to build a new Russian province in a 
foreign land. And lo, there fall down as by magic Rus- 
sian teachers, Russian schools an Orthodox bishopric 
while the Ukrainian institutions, lower schools, high 
schools, reading-rooms, libraries, these are all closed. 
Menshikof recalls the popular saying: "ill-gotten gains 



— 40 — 

do not profit," when he writes of Germans and Russians 
but we must bear in mind the depth of this proverb, so 
that io the end Russian culture does not seem to the 
Ukrainians to be as short-sighted as the German culture 
with whicli Russians have been saturated. It is most 
painful and a thing much to be deplored that the Russian 
Nationalists have for nearly 300 years courted the Ukra- 
inians merely to Russify them. It is only the obstinacy 
of the meek and lowly, unfortunately not of the educated 
classes, which has saved the Ukrainian nation in Russia 
from utter decadence and desintegration. 

The Ukrainian nation, however modest it may be, has 
the right to exist, according to the declarations of our 
publicist himself; Ukraine has the right to defend its 
independence and its national culture. Mme. Alexandra 
Eff'imenko speaking on the subject of Ukrainian schools 
said "Do allow Little-Russians this equality with the 
other human creatures that they can study in their own 
schools!" But wtiat do we see instead? I have long 
lived and labored in Ukraine and I left it with a most 
sorrowful feeling after having witnessed the result of the 
activity of Russian schools in that country. Where the 
school-master knowns the Ukrainian language, the sit- 
uation is perhaps not so hopeless but in the schools 
where he is a real Russian (Katsap), the children under- 
stand almost nothing and hate all studies. Much print- 
ers' ink has been poured over this matter, and much dis- 
cussion ensued with never but one result in Russian 
Ukraine: the failure to Russify. M. Menshikof should 
withdraw his statement that Russia imposes her culture 
upon none. Russian schools have fettered the Ukrainian 
and his intelligence with this result that the son does not 
understand his own father, does not know what he him- 
self is or what he should be. The Ukrainian is com- 
pelled to swim useless between two currents of culture. 
He is already inured to this misfortune. Nevertheless 
to become used to a long illness does not mean that one 



— 41 — 

does not suffer. The conscious Ukrainian, not at all 
a Mazeppist, suffers much in Russian Ukraine. 

But let us take our flight after the crows that wished 
to pass themselves for eagles and sought to organize Aus- 
trian Ukraine. There do Nationalists of all shades, there 
are enough of them, oppress an alien nationality, the 
Ukrainian nation. These "heroes" take no heed of the 
old traditions of the Austrian Ukrainians, who are quite 
conscious of themselves and who, under the Austrian 
rule, have learned who they are, what their fore-fathers 
were and by whom they have been yoked. Whereas the 
Ukrainians under Russian rule live in dirt and ignorance, 
unable to borrow that which is good in the schools and 
the civilization of Russia, and merely ape others by wear- 
ing a coat and cap instead of their national dresses, the 
Ukrainians under Austrian rule, with their own village 
schools, their university, their high schools, their reading- 
rooms, their libraries, their own national Press, look upon 
themselves rightly and consciouly as an independent Slav 
nation. 

The Ukrainians of Austria have to put up with econo- 
mic yokes* but they can enjoy at least the most precious 
thing in life: their mother, Galicia, with its own ancient 
customs, its language, its schools. These Ukrainians 
from beyond the frontier, in spite of the terrible oppres- 
sion of the Poles and the Jews, could nevertheless truly 
say that they were living up to the last wish of their 
martyr-poet, Tarass Shevchenko. 

"Study, my brothers, 

Think and read, 

Learn what comes from elsewhere. 

Do not forget what belongs to you, 

He who forgets his own mother 

Suffers God's punishment!" 



* That of the Polish big landowners. Translator's note. 



— 42 — 

As regards culture, the Ukrainian peasants of Austria 
are infinitely superior to the Russian Ukrainian. Lov- 
ingly they tell their children, in their own tongue, of the 
ancient days in Ukraine, they relate its short but glorious 
history; they speak of the sons of the Zaporogian Cos- 
sacks, of which none of our own peasants have ever 
heard*. 

Today, this army of Russian crows has fallen upon 
Galicia in the wake of our glorious troops; and now they 
have taken to organizing everything after the fashion of 
carrion-crows. Interdictions began to pour down; in- 
stitutions were closed. From the soil, like mush- 
rooms, as it were, arose Russian schools. Orthodox priests 
and parishes; bishoprics and a metropolitan archbishop 
were announced. No, you crows, learn that every people 
requires respectful treatment. A nation is not a gramo- 
phone disc upon which one can impress any kind of 
tune; every national sentiment should be preserved, not 
insulted. This is holy truth; that our Russian National- 
ists forget it and, while singing the praises of national- 
ities oppress nationalities fills one with sadness. Men- 
shikof sheds tears, of which he is very prolific, over the 
bad influence which German culture has had on the 
Russian people, but himself, and the Nationalists with 
him, behave unjustly to their sister Ukraine. The latter 
both abroad and in Russia clamors for schools and for 
the establishment of public education. Our duty is to 
help it develope its own intellectual culture. Then will 
the mystical Mazeppist movement loose its force. Oh, 
Nationalists, please do not keep the people in ignorance. 
The Ukrainian people shall awake one day and ask you, 
''Oh! my brother, what have you made of me? Where 
are my children? Where is my own dear tongue, where 
is justice, where is my mother Ukraine." What answer 



* The reminiscenses of the Bishop tell of a time already long 
gone by. For several years the intellectual level of the Ukrainian 
has been raised considerably. Translator's note. 



— 43 — 

shall we be able to give? These crows have devoured 
everything. 

Not only can an individual sin; a whole nation can sin 
also. The Russian people will have to take upon itself 
the heaviest burden of sin if it denies to Ukraine the 
satisfaction of its most irreducible needs and before 
everything else if it refuses to grant the Ukrainians 
schools in their own language. Then will the big brother 
prove to be a loser as well as his little brother. He will 
lose the possibility to develope himself peacefully along 
with the latter. You cannot deprive a people of its very 
breath. Necessity, honor, justice, reason and conscience 
require that we should let the Ukrainian people develope 
itself. 

As for you, crows from Russia, organizers of the Rus- 
sian and of the Austrian Ukraine, whatever you may do, 
you are bound to do wrong. Do not fly behind the eagles, 
do not hamper them. They are the glory of Piussia: you 
are nothing but her shame! They are eagles, they are 
heroes. You are merely crows and brainless actors, you 
the unfortunate "Saviours" of the motherland. 



LITERATURE ON W UlRili QUESTION, 



[Most of these books are to be obtained in the New York Public Library]. 



ENGLISH. 

£Hsee Reclus : Universal Geography. Vol. I. pp. 269 — 

317; 379—384. 

Prof. Alfred Rambaud : History of Russia. Vol. I, chapters 
XX, XXI, XXII. London 1879. 

N. Bilashevsky : Peasant Art in the Ukraine. "The Studio", 
Special Autumn Number. London, 1912. 

Steveni, W. Barnes : Things Seen in Russia. Chap. Little 
Russia, the Blessed. Button & Co. New York, 1913. 

B. Sands : Ukraine. Francis Griffiths, 34, Maiden Lane, 
Strand, London, W. C, 1914. 

Yaroslav Fedortchouk : Memorandum on the Ukrainian 
Question in its National Aspect. Francis Griffiths. 
London, 1914. 

FRENCH. 

£lisee Reclus : Geographie Universelle. V, pp. 442 — 558. 
Les annales des nationalites. Bulletin de I'Union des 
nationalites. Numeros consacres a I'etude de 1' U- 
kraine, 41, Boulevard des Batignolles, Paris. 

R. Sembratovycz. Le Tsarisme et 1' Ukraine. Paris. 

Prof. A'l. Hrushevsky : Le Probleme de 1' Ukraine. Revue 
politique internationale, 1914, pp. 289 — 328. Lausanne, 
1914. 

.. — I — 



— II — 

Maurice Lair : En Galicie, Noblesse Polonaise at Paysans 
Ruthenes. 15. Annales des sci. polit. v. i8. p. 554 — 572, 
707 — 717; V. 19. p. 185. Paris 1903 — 1904. 

Yaroslav Fedortchouk. Le reveil national des Ukrainians. 

Paris, Bureau du Cercle des Ukrainiens, 1912. 

GERMAN. 

Ludwig Kulczycki : Geschichte der russischen Revolution. 

Verlag Friedrich Andre-is Perthes S.-G. Gotha 1910 — 

• 1914. Erster Teil. Siebentes Kapitel. VIL Zweiter 

Teil. Drittes Kapitel. \\ Zweiter Teil. Fuenftes 

Kapitel. IIP Dritter Teil. Siebentes Kapitel XXIV. 

Helmolt : Weltgeschichte. Band 5. Abteilung: Besonders 
PP- 538 — 549- Bibliographisches Inst. Leipzig und 
Wien 1915. 

Brockhaus' Konversations-lexikon. 1902. Band X. Klein- 
russen. Kleinrussische Literatur. 

Russen ueber Russland. Fin Sanimehverk. Literarische 
Anstalt : Ruetten und Loening, Frankfurt am Main 
1906. Cap.. "Die Kleinrussen". 

Prof. Otto Hoetzsch : Russland. Cap. Die L^krainische 
Frage. Georg Reimers Verlag. Berlin 1913. 

B. Jaworskyj : Das Urteil der europaeischen Kulturwelt 
ueber den Ukas von 1876. (Durch welchen die u- 
krainische Literatur ini russischen Reiche verboten 
wurde). Wien 1905. 

Kuschnir und Popowytsch : Taras Schewtschenko, der 
groesste Dichter der Ukraine. AVien 1914. 

R. Sembratowycz : Das Zarentum im Kampfe mit der 
Zivilization, Frankfurt 1905. 

J. Romanczuk : Die Ruthenen und ihre Gegner in Galizien. 
Wien 1902. 

Karl Leuthner : Das Ende .der polnischen Staatsidee. (Der 
Verfasser meint ein polnischer Staat, der auch Li- 
thauen, Bjelo-Rusj und Ukraine inbegriffe, lasse sich 
nicht mehr denken. Sozialistische Monatshefte. Stutt- 
gart 1908, Heft 10. 

Dr. Stephan Rudnyzky : Ukraine und die Ukrainer. 
Druck : "Vofwaerts". Wien V. Rechte Wollzeile 97. 
Wien 1914. 



— Ill — 

George Cleinow : Das Problem der Ukraina. Die Grenz- 
boten (nr. 45). Zeitschrift fuer . Politik. Lit. und 
Kunst 1914, II. November, Berlin S. W. 11, Tem- 
. pelhofer Ufer 35 a. 

Prof. Michael Hruschewskyj : Ein tJberblick der Geschichte 
der Ukraina. Wien, 1914. 

Prof. Michael Hruschewskyj : Die ukrainische Frage in 
historischer Entwicklung. Wien, 1915. 

Dr. Eugen Lewicky : Die Ukraine der Lebensnerv Russ- 
lands. Deutsche Verlags-Anstalt, Stuttgart und Ber- 
lin, 1915. 

Dr. L. Cehelskyj : Der Krieg, die Ukraina und die Balkan- 
staaten. Verlag des Bundes zur Befreiung der Ukraina. 
Wien, 191 5. 

D. Donzow: Die ukrainische Staatsidee und der Krieg 
gegen Russland. Berlin, 19 15. 

Noetzel Karl : Die Unabhangigkeit der Ukraine als einzige 
Rettung von der russischen Gefahr. Miinchen, Hans 
Sachs, Verlag, 1915. 

Kuschnir Vladimir: Die Ukraine und ihre Bedeutung im 
gegenwartigen Kriege mit Russland, Wien ,, Ukra- 
inische Rundschau", 1914. 

Verax (Pseud.) Der Weltkrieg und das ukrainische Pro- 
blem. Berlin, C. KroU 1914. 

SWEDISH. 

Prof. Harald Hjaerne : Oestanifran. Cap. Den lillryska 
nationalitetsroerelsens ursprung (1879). Hugo Ge- 
bers foerlag, Stockholm 1905. 

Prof. Gustaf StefTen : Krig och kultur. Cap. HI. 9, 10. 
Albert Bonniers foerlag. Stockholm 1914. 

Alfred Jensen : Ukrajnas nationalskad. Finsk Tidskrift 
H. V. T. LXH. Helsingfors. 

Emil Reviuk : Polen och Ukrajna. Tiden No. 2, 1914. 

NORWEGIAN. 

Bjoernstjerne Bjoernson : Artikler och taler, B. II. Utgivet 
Chr. Collin. Christiania 1913. 



— IV 



POLISH. 



Leon Wasilewski : Ukraina i sprawa ukrainska. Wydaw- 
nictwo "Ksiazka", Krakow 191 1. 

Ludwig Kulczycki: Kwestya Polsko-Ruska. 1912 (1913). 

Waciaw Lipinski : Z dziejow Ukrainy. Ksi^ga pamiatkowa 
ku czci Wtodzimierza Antonowicza, Paulina §wi?cic- 
kiego i Tadeusza Rylskiego, wydana stafaniem dr. J. 
Jurkiewicza, Fr. Wolskiej, Ludw. Siedleckiego i Wa- 
ctawa Lipinskiego. Krakow, 1913. Ksi^g. D. E. Fried- 
leina. 

Waciaw Lipinski : Szlachta na Ukrainie. Udzial jej w zy- 
ciu narodu na tie jego dziejow. Krakow, 1909. 



RUSSIAN. 

IIpo(j[). M. rpymcBCKift : HjiJHOcxpHpoBaHHas Hcxopia YKpa- 
HHH. H3/1;. "npocBim,eHie". C. Xlexepdypn., 1913. 

npo(f). Mux. rpymcBCKift : OcBo6o3:/i;eHie Pocin h ynpa- 
hhckIh BOnpocT.. Cn6., 1907. 

M. ^paroMaHOB-B : Co6paHie nojiHXHHCCKHxi. coHnHCHiii. 
ToMt L I. licTopHHCCKaH IIojiLma h BejiHKopyccKan ;i,e- 
MOKpaxin. 2. OnHxt yKpaiiHCKOtt nojrHXHKO-coii,i;ijitHOii 
nporpauMKE. Societe nouvelle de librairie et d'edition, 
Paris, 1905. 

B. rpuHHCHKO : Ha 6e3npocBixHOM'L nyxH. (Odt yKpann- 

CKoii niKOjii). KieBx, 1907. 

M. CiaBiiHCKin : YKpaHHijiEi b Ascxpo-BeHrpiH. BicxHnK-L 
EBponti, 1915, L, p. 336. 

rTeipB CxpvBe : 06mepyccKa^ Ky.;itTypa h yKpanncKiH 
napxHKyji.a:pH3M. FyccKaa Mbicjib, 1912, L, p. 65. 

npo(|). MapiaHt 3;i;3ixoBCKiit : Uojihkti h yKpaHHO(J)H;ii.- 

CXBO. MoCKOBCKitt E/KeHC/I.'fejIBHHKT., I908, A^ IJ , p. 27. 

IIpo(|). Mux. rpymeBCKitt : Kt no;ii>cKO-yKpaHHCKHMX> oxho- 
meHi^MT. FajiHi^iH. KieBCKaa Cxapiina, 1905, iBD.iB- 
aBrycxT>, p. 174. 

C. EiJpeMOB'B : Hsi. o6in;ecTseHHOH schshh na YKpaHHi. 

PyccKQe BoraxcxBO, 1908, VIL, p. 17. 



KicBCKaa CiapiiHa. yKpaiiHCKin Bonpoci, Bt ero ncTopiiHC- 
CKOMt ocBimeniii. KieBt, 1905 (v. 90 — 91, p. 143 — 172). 

nexpo 0/];iiHei],B : Kt Bonpocy o6x yKpaiiHCKOMij Hapo/^Hii- 
necTBi. KieBCKaK CxapiiHa, 1906, iiojit-aBrycx-B, p. 338. 

B. MaKOTiiHT,: OnepKii coujinjitHOH iiCTopiii MaJiopoccin. 

PyccKoe BoraxcTBO, 1912, VIII., p. 149; 1912, IX., p. 
100; 1912, X., p. 76; 1912, XL, p. 185; 1913, IX., p. 
192; 1913, X., p. 229; 1913, XL, p. 204; 1913, XII., 
p. 206. 

M. nexpiiKT. : Hto laKoe yKpaiiHo^iiJiBCTBO. PyccKoe Bo- 
raxcTBO, 1881, XL, p. 93. 



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